PAST US MIDEAST BLUNDERS - REPEATED OR AVOIDED?
By retired Ambassador Yoram Etteringer
Western
policy in the Middle East - from Iran, the Arabian Peninsula, through
Jordan, Egypt and North Africa - has largely failed due to a multitude
of erroneous assessments made by well-intentioned policy-makers,
researchers, academicians and journalists.
For
example, the State Department "wise men" opposed the 1948 establishment
of the Jewish State - which they viewed as a potential ally of the
Soviet Bloc - contending that it was doomed militarily, demographically
and economically.
In
1977-79, the US foreign policy establishment courted Ayatollah Khomeini
and deserted a critical strategic ally, the Shah of Iran, assuming that
Khomeini was seeking human rights and peaceful-coexistence. In 1981, the
US punished Israel - militarily, economically and diplomatically - for
destroying Iraq's nuclear reactor, which spared the US a potential
nuclear confrontation in the 1991 Gulf War.
Until
Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait in 1990, the US showered the
ruthless Iraqi dictator with intelligence-sharing and commercial
agreements. In 1993 and 2005 the US embraced the Israel-PLO Oslo Accord
and Israel's disengagement from Gaza, maintaining that they would
advance peace, while in fact they fueled Palestinian hate-education and
terrorism.
The
2010-11 eruption of the still-raging Arab Tsunami was greeted as an
"Arab Spring," "Facebook Revolution" and "Youth Revolution;" supposedly,
leading Arab societies closer to democracy. During 2009-11, the US
sacrificed pro-US Egyptian President Mubarak on the altar of Egypt's
Muslim Brotherhood, the largest Sunni-Muslim terrorist conglomerate.
In
2011, the US led the NATO toppling of Libya's Qaddafi - who previously
surrendered his infrastructure of weapons-of-mass-destruction to the US
and systematically fought Islamic terrorism - contending that a
post-Qaddafi Libya would be more democratic and pro-Western. In 2018,
Libya is one of the largest platforms of Islamic terrorism.
In
2015, the US led the JCPOA accord with Iran's Ayatollahs, which
provided the inherently anti-US rogue regime with an unprecedented
tailwind to topple all pro-US Arab regimes, intensify terrorism in the
Middle East and Africa, and try to push the US out of the Persian Gulf.
Notwithstanding
the failure of all well-intentioned US initiatives to advance
Israel-Arab peaceful-coexistence, the US may introduce another peace
initiative, overlooking the face that the only successful peace
initiatives were directly negotiated between Israel-Egypt and
Israel-Jordan. And the list goes on....
Such
a track record provoked systematic criticism by "The Gang of Four," who
were the leading experts/authors on the Middle East: Prof. Elie
Kedourie (London School of Economics & Political Science), Professor
P.J. Vatikiotis (London School of Oriental and African Studies), Prof.
Bernard Lewis (Princeton University) and Prof. J.B. Kelly (University of
Wisconsin). Their criticism, which has been in publication since the
1960s, has been resoundingly vindicated by the Arab Tsunami, which has
traumatized the Middle East, and threatened the West, since 2010.
The
four luminaries highlighted the Western tendency to oversimplify the
highly-complex, fragmented, unpredictable, unstable, intolerant,
violent, frenzied and tenuous inter-Arab reality of the Middle East -
irrespective of the Arab-Israeli conflict - which is dominated by
ruthless minority-regimes, and is yet to experience inter-Arab peaceful
coexistence.
For
example, Prof. Elie Kedourie exposed the fumbled US policy which
energized Iran's Ayatollahs, stabbed the back of the Shah of Iran - the
US Policeman in the Persian Gulf - dealt the US a game-changing setback,
and placed a machete at the throat of each pro-US Arab regime in the
Middle East: "An emergency was in the making, which involved the regime
in Iran, a pillar of US and Western interests.
This
emergency was the most serious foreign policy test... which President
Carter and his leading officials failed.... The Carter Administration
was willing to see [the Shah] go because it had persuaded itself that
the alternative would institute democracy and human rights.... From
Teheran, Ambassador Sullivan argued that Khomeini was anti-Communist,
that the young officers were generally pro-Western, that economic ties
with the West would subsist, that Khomeini would play a 'grandpa like
role', and that election would be likely to produce a pro-Western
Islamic republic. In Washington, there was a chorus of academic and
official voices singing the praises of Khomeini and the National
Front...."
According to Prof.
P.J. Vatikiotis: "For the foreseeable future, inter-Arab differences and
conflicts will continue.... Inter-Arab relations cannot be placed on a
spectrum of linear development... Rather, their course is partly
cyclical, partly jerkily spiral and always resting occasionally at some
'grey' area.... What the Arabs want is not always - if ever - what
Americans desire; in fact, the two desires may be diametrically
opposed.... Even without the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Arab Middle East
would have been a conflict-ridden and conflict-generating area....
Arrangements or alliances made by foreign powers with [Arab] regimes are
problematic, dangerous, transient and even meaningless...."
Moreover,
"a political challenge to any of these [Arab] regimes can come only in
the form of a violent confrontation. Opposition is subversion; political
disagreement is treason. The tolerance of opposition is scarce - in
fact, nonexistent.... Power changes are therefore possible only via
rebellion or revolution...."
The
litany of books and essays on the Middle East by Prof. Bernard Lewis
have exposed a self-defeating Western policy, sacrificing realism on the
altar of wishful-thinking and oversimplification. Many of them were
authored before the 1979 toppling of the Shah, the bombing of the US
Embassy and Marine Headquarters in Beirut in 1983, the 1998 bombing of
the US Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, the bombing of the USS Cole in
2000, the 2001 Twin Towers devastation and the current proliferation of
Islamic terrorism in Europe.
Prof.
Lewis highlighted features of Islam, which have not been
fully-comprehended by Western policy-makers, who tend to sacrifice
reality on the altar of rapprochement with Islam: "[Non-Muslims] may
receive the tolerance, even the benevolence, of the Muslim state,
provided that they clearly recognize Muslim supremacy.... That Muslims
should rule over non-Muslims is right and normal.... That non-Muslims
should rule over Muslims is an offense against the laws of God and
nature.... Islam was associated with power from the very beginning....
The world is divided basically into two. One is the community of the
Muslims, the other that of the 'unbelievers.'"
Western
policy in the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf was severely
criticized by Prof. J.B. Kelly: "While the Russians may have
miscalculated at times, they have attempted to ground their policy upon
reality, not upon wishful-thinking.
Western
policy, on the other hand, has been based upon illusions,
self-deception and calculations of short-term advantage. Nowhere is this
more evident than in the formulation and execution of American policy
towards Arabia and the Gulf.... In Arabia and the Gulf, the US
government allowed itself to be seduced into adoption and implementing
ARAMCO's plans and those of its Saudi Arabian clients.... The State
Department lent its unobtrusive support.... Just how great a
part-illusion, self-deception and willful-obtuseness have played in
fostering [this policy] is clearly revealed in the transcripts of
hearings on the subject of American relations with the Gulf states held
by the Senate Foreign Relations and the House International Relations
Committees from 1972 onward.... None of this [former Secretary of State
Joseph Sisco's Congressional testimony] bore the remotest resemblance to
reality.... It was then, and remains still, a mirage...."
Prof.
Fouad Ajami, who was the Director of Middle East Studies at Johns
Hopkins University, wrote: "Arabs and Israeli are ready for peace, it is
said by many in the US and in the Middle East. The missing ingredient,
they argue, is the American role and American peace plan. The other side
of this promise is a threat: dire consequences are predicted, for the
region and for American interests, if the [US] Administration fails to
embark on an activist policy.
In
reality, the promise is a mirage, the dire consequences an empty
threat.... The notion of [the US'] indispensability is a trap. We should
not walk into that trap when others set it for us. Certainly, at least,
we should be able to avoid entrapping ourselves."
Have
Western policy-makers learned from precedents by avoiding - or
repeating - costly mistakes? Are they aware that unrealistic policies
tend to be self-defeating, yielding more injustice and casualties than
that which they intend to cure?!
No comments:
Post a Comment