Political-correctness
suggests that the resolution of the Palestinian issue is predicated
upon a dramatic Israeli land-concession and the establishment of a
Palestinian state: the two state solution.
Moreover,
political-correctness has subordinated Middle East reality and long
term national security to the achievement of the holy grail of
peaceful-coexistence between Jews and Arabs west of the Jordan River. In
the process, the "holy grailers" have oversimplified the
highly-complex, unpredictable, violent, intolerant, fragmented Middle
East.
This is the same school of thought, which applauded the 1993 (Oslo Accord) and 2005 (uprooting all Jews from Gaza) sweeping Israeli concessions - which, in fact, escalated terror, war and hate education - and misperceived the Arab Tsunami, in 2011, as an "Arab Spring," the "Youth Revolution" and the "transition towards democracy."
This is the same school of thought, which applauded the 1993 (Oslo Accord) and 2005 (uprooting all Jews from Gaza) sweeping Israeli concessions - which, in fact, escalated terror, war and hate education - and misperceived the Arab Tsunami, in 2011, as an "Arab Spring," the "Youth Revolution" and the "transition towards democracy."
Political-correctness
has preferred talk and assessment-based subjective "hope" over
centuries-old, well-documented, objective walk-based realism.
While
political-correctness has failed to advance peaceful-coexistence, it
has forced the Arabs to outflank Western pressure (on Israel) from the
maximalist side, radicalizing their demands, and further intensifying
the obstacles to peace.
Political-correctness
resembles a surgeon, who focuses on the spot of the surgery, ignoring
the complex medical history of the entire body and its bearing upon the
surgery.
For
instance, the sustained Arab war against the Jewish State has taken
place in the Middle East, which has featured a systematic, regional
state-of-war, terrorism, subversion, provisional one-bullet-regimes,
tenuous policies and agreements, short-lived ceasefires and the lack of
civil liberties since the seventh century appearance of Islam. These
have been almost entirely intra-Islamic, intra-Arab wars, reflecting the
(so far) unbridgeable ethnic, tribal, cultural, religious, historical,
ideological battles, which have dominated the region, totally unrelated
to Israel.
The
Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian issue are not "the Middle
East conflict" or the top priorities for Arab policy-makers,
irrespective of the Arab talk, which has, historically, deviated from
the Arab walk.
Contrary
to political-correctness, the Palestinian issue has never been the crux
of the Arab-Israeli conflict, a crown-jewel of Arab policy-makers, nor a
core-cause of regional turbulence; but for Arab talk, unsubstantiated
by Arab walk.
Political-correctness
has assumed that "everyone wishes peace, prosperity and civil
liberties," ignoring the fact that the dictatorial Arab regimes have
systematically denied their people such prospects. While most Arabs may
hope for regional peace, and are not preoccupied with Israel, the
concept of the majority-rule is yet to assert itself in Middle East
political reality.
Political-correctness
has considered Islam to be another religion of peace, overlooking its
fundamental tenets. For example, the constant battle between the Abode
of Islam and the eventual subservience of the Abode of the "Infidel";
the determination to spread Islam, preferably peacefully, but via war if
necessary; the duty to dedicate one's life to Jihad (Holy War) on
behalf of Islam; the option to conclude provisional agreements - and to
employ double-speak (Taqiyya), when negotiating - with the infidel; etc.
Arab
attitudes toward Israel derive from the fourteen-century-old Islamic
intolerance of Christian, Jewish, Buddhist and other "infidels," who
claim sovereignty in "the abode of Islam." The key issue has never been
the size - but the existence - of the "infidel" Jewish State on land,
which is, supposedly, divinely-ordained to be ruled by "believers."
Political-correctness
has ignored, or down-played, another chief-obstacle to peace: the
Palestinian track record from the wave of terrorism of the 1920s,
through their alliance with Nazi Germany, the Soviet Bloc, Iran's
Ayatollahs, Saddam Hussein, North Korea and Venezuela, their training of
international terrorists in Lebanon, Sudan and Yemen, and their current
hate-education, incitement and terrorism. Such a track record attests
to the anti-US impact of the proposed Palestinian state.
Would
it be reasonable to assume that Israel's withdrawal from the mountain
ridges of Judea and Samaria (which would drastically erode its posture
of deterrence, unlike Israel's substantial land concession to Egypt -
the Sinai Peninsula) would cause the Arabs to grant to "the infidel
Jewish State" peaceful-coexistence, which they have denied fellow
"believers" since the seventh century?!
Would
it be reasonable to assume that the Arab Middle East, which has been
merciless towards weak, vulnerable fellow-Arabs, would display
compassion towards a highly vulnerable "infidel" Jewish State, if it is
reduced to a 9-15 mile-wide sliver along the Mediterranean, over-towered
by a mountainous Palestinian state?!
The
unfathomed gap between Middle East reality and the two-state-solution
was demonstrated in 1993 when Israeli Foreign Minister, Shimon Peres,
promoted the two-state-solution and his vision of peace in "The New
Middle East" (Henry Holt publishing).
Attempting to rationalize Israel's dramatic concession of its most
strategic mountain ridge to the PLO, Peres asserted: "Arafat is a
national symbol, a legend in his own time.... The international
political setting is no longer conducive to war.... We must focus on
this new Middle East reality... wars that will never be fought again....
We must strive for fewer weapons and more faith.... You could almost
hear the heavy tread of boots leaving the stage.... You could have
listened to the gentle tiptoeing of new steps making a debut in the
awaiting world of peace...."
In
1994, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded jointly to Arafat, Peres and
Rabin "for their efforts to create peace in the Middle East." It was
praised by the political, academic and media establishments, which chose
to ignore Arafat's track record, underlined by his 1959 and 1964
founding of Fatah and the PLO terror organizations, calling for "the
liberation of Palestine" eight years and three years before the 1967
War, respectively.
In
other words, the Palestinian focus has been the de-legitimization and
destruction of the pre-1967 Israel, as highlighted by the 2017
Palestinian Authority K-12 school curriculum (established in 1993 by
Mahmoud Abbas), Palestinian media and Friday sermons in Palestinian
mosques.
The
"two-state-solution" gospel is a miniaturized replica of the 1938
"hope"-driven Anglo-German "peace-for-our-time" initiative of the
British Prime Minister Chamberlain, who sacrificed national security
clarity on the altar of a peaceful holy grail. He appeased a rogue
regime, yielded the most strategic Czechoslovakian land to Germany,
reflected feebleness and whetted the aggressive appetite of Hitler; thus
producing a robust tailwind for the Second World War.
Will contemporary policy-makers avoid - or repeat - severe blunders?
David Hocking
HFT Connect
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